FACTORS INFLUENCING WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL COUNCILS IN PUNTLAND: A CASE OF GALKACYO DISTRICT
AHMED OSMAN ADAM
A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES IN THE SCHOOL OF COMMUNICATIONS AND DEVELOPMENT STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULLFILMENT FOR THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES AT JOMO KENYATTA UNIVERSITY OF AGRICULTURE AND TECHNOLOGY
SEPTEMBER 2018
DECLARATIONThis research project is my original work and has not been presented for a degree in any other University.

Signature………………… Date…………………
Ahmed Osman Adam
HDC 322-3642/2016
This research project has been submitted for examination with our approval as University Supervisors.

Signature………………………..Date…………………………

Prof Willy MuturiJKUAT
Signature………………….. Date……………………

Prof Mohamed S. Samantar
PSU
DEDICATIONI dedicate this work to my family and many friends. A special gratitude goes to my loving parents whose words of encouragement and push for tenacity ring in my ears. I also dedicate this work to my wife and wonderful children who have never left my side and are very special.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTFirst and foremost, I thank the Almighty God, who made this research project possible. Basically, any accomplishment requires the joint effort of many people and this work is no different. As the author, I would like to express my utmost gratitude to Prof Mohamed S. Samantar and Prof Willy Muturi whose technical assistance and guidance have been instrumental in accomplishing this task.
Last but not least, I extend my sincere gratitude and appreciation to Puntland State University and Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology for giving me the opportunity to pursue and accomplish a long-awaited dream of achieving higher credentials in development studies.

ABSTRACTWoman in Somalia are largely the breadwinners and caretakers of their families and manage all house chores. This is a clear manifestation of Somali women’s capabilities and credibility since society treasures the valuable services they provide. Globally, Somalia ranks the fourth lowest in the Gender Inequality Index (GII) on internationally comparable indices, scoring 0.776 out of 1.0 for complete gender inequality CITATION Cer12 l 1033 (Cerise, S.; Francavilla, F., 2012). In Puntland, a federal member state in north-eastern Somalia, the women participation in local councils and other decision-making arenas is quite negligible. According to a report issued by the Puntland Ministry of Women in 2016, women in Puntland have done quite well in getting elected into local councils thus making 14% of the incumbent 478 local councillors. Nonetheless, this study sought to explore the factors influencing women participation in local councils, taking into prospective a combination of four variables; culture, education, income and clan-based political system and their influence on women’s participation in local councils. Pursuing a stratified sampling technique a cross section of the study population was drawn and engaged in the subsequent data collection process. A combination of structured questionnaire and a focus group discussion were used to garner first-hand information and expert opinions from a total of 80 respondents including 29 local councillors, 22 representatives of women groups, 10 traditional elders, 2 civil society members and 2 officials from the Ministry of Interior, 3 representatives of the Ministry of Women Development and Family Affairs and 2 members from the Parliament’s Sub-committee on Local Government. Nonetheless, the study found the existence of persistent patriarchy with 90% of respondents believing that clan elders deliberately avoid nomination of women to local council candidacy and other leadership positions simply due to the commonly held perception that woman cannot represent the clan. The study also found a strong correlation between education and women’s participation in local councils. A spectacular percentage of respondents (97%) agreed the importance of education for local council aspirants. In addition, the study revealed that educated women are disinterested to vie for local council positions despite having the necessary educational credentials. This is due to the prevailing culture which discourages women and thwarts their attempts to seek political and leadership positions in society. Furthermore, the study found that strong relationship between women’s income levels and their opportunities to participate in local councils. Another interesting finding of the study was the fact that an overwhelming majority of respondents (95.7%) agreed that women do not tend to manipulate or intervene local council selection processes unlike men contestants. Moreover, the study found that the currently pursued clan-based political system categorically favours men whilst undermining women’s participation in local councils. Notwithstanding with the above, the study recommends a number of actionable recommendations to address the key impediments to women’s participation in local councils. These recommendations include among others the implementation of massive awareness raising and engagement programmes to redress the century-long cultural misconceptions and negative stereotypes, implementation of women empowerment, capacity-building and development programmes, review of existing women and gender related policies and local council regulations, creating an enabling environment for increased participation of women, exemption of candidacy fees from women and adoption of a credible multi-party system to ensure fair representation of women and lastly reinforce the implementation of the existing 30% quota for women in local councils.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TOC o “1-3″ h z u DECLARATION PAGEREF _Toc512434908 h iDEDICATION PAGEREF _Toc512434909 h iiACKNOWLEDGEMENT PAGEREF _Toc512434910 h iiiABSTRACT PAGEREF _Toc512434911 h ivLIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS PAGEREF _Toc512434914 h xiDEFINITIONS PAGEREF _Toc512434915 h xiiCHAPTER 1 PAGEREF _Toc512434916 h 1INTRODUCTION PAGEREF _Toc512434917 h 11.1 Background PAGEREF _Toc512434918 h 11.2 Statement of the Problem PAGEREF _Toc512434919 h 41.3 Objective of the Study PAGEREF _Toc512434920 h 51.4 Research Questions PAGEREF _Toc512434921 h 51.5 Significance of the Study PAGEREF _Toc512434922 h 51.6. Scope of the Study PAGEREF _Toc512434923 h 61.7. Limitations PAGEREF _Toc512434924 h 6CHAPTER 2 PAGEREF _Toc512434925 h 8LITERATURE REVIEW PAGEREF _Toc512434926 h 82.1 Introduction PAGEREF _Toc512434927 h 82.2.Theoretical Framework PAGEREF _Toc512434928 h 82.2.3. Conceptual Framework PAGEREF _Toc512434931 h 122.3. Criticism of Existing Literature PAGEREF _Toc512434932 h 212.4. Research Gaps PAGEREF _Toc512434933 h 232.5. Summery PAGEREF _Toc512434934 h 24CHAPTER 3 PAGEREF _Toc512434935 h 25RESEARCH METHODOLOGY PAGEREF _Toc512434936 h 253.1 Introduction PAGEREF _Toc512434937 h 253.2 Research Design PAGEREF _Toc512434938 h 253.3 Population PAGEREF _Toc512434939 h 253.4 Sampling Frame PAGEREF _Toc512434940 h 253.5 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques PAGEREF _Toc512434941 h 263.6 Research Instruments PAGEREF _Toc512434943 h 263.7 Data Collection Procedure PAGEREF _Toc512434944 h 273.8 Pilot-testing the Questionnaire PAGEREF _Toc512434945 h 273.9 Data Processing and Analysis PAGEREF _Toc512434946 h 27CHAPTER 4 PAGEREF _Toc512434947 h 28RESEARCH FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS PAGEREF _Toc512434948 h 284.1 Introduction PAGEREF _Toc512434949 h 284.2 Response Rate PAGEREF _Toc512434950 h 284.3 General Information of the Respondents PAGEREF _Toc512434951 h 294.3.1 Gender of the Respondents PAGEREF _Toc512434952 h 294.3.2 Marital Status of the Respondents PAGEREF _Toc512434953 h 294.3.3 Age of the Respondents PAGEREF _Toc512434955 h 294.3.4 Respondents’ Educational Levels PAGEREF _Toc512434958 h 304.3.5 Occupation of the Respondents PAGEREF _Toc512434960 h 304.4 Findings of Dependent Variable: Women Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512434962 h 314.5 Influence of Culture on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512434967 h 334.6 Influence of Education on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512434971 h 354.7 Influence of Income on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512434976 h 384.8 Influence of Clan-based Political System on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512434981 h 41CHAPTER 5 PAGEREF _Toc512434984 h 44SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS PAGEREF _Toc512434985 h 445.1 Introduction PAGEREF _Toc512434986 h 445.2 Summary PAGEREF _Toc512434987 h 445.3 Conclusions PAGEREF _Toc512434988 h 485.4 Recommendations PAGEREF _Toc512434989 h 495.5 Suggestions for Further Research PAGEREF _Toc512434990 h 50REFERENCES PAGEREF _Toc512434991 h 51APPENDIX I: QUESTIONAIRE PAGEREF _Toc512434992 h 54
List of TablesTable 4.1: Marital Status of Respondents PAGEREF _Toc512258930 h 28Table 4.2: Level of Women Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512258931 h 30Table 4.3: Proposed Quota for Women (by respondents) PAGEREF _Toc512258932 h 32Table 4.4: Influence of Culture on Women Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512258933 h 32Table: 4.5: Influence of Education on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512258934 h 35Table 4.6: Influence of Education and Experience on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512258935 h 36Table 4.7: Influence of Income on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512258936 h 37Table 4.8: Influence of Unemployment and Other Income Factors on Women’s Participation PAGEREF _Toc512258937 h 39List of FiguresFigure 4.1: Gender Composition of Respondents PAGEREF _Toc512260010 h 29Figure 4.2: Age Distribution of Respondents PAGEREF _Toc512260011 h 29Figure 4.3: Educational Levels of Respondents PAGEREF _Toc512260012 h 30Figure 4.4: Occupational Distribution of Respondents PAGEREF _Toc512260013 h 30Figure 4.5: Level of Women Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512260015 h 31Figure 4.6: Views on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512260016 h 32Figure 4.7: Commonly held Cultural Perceptions PAGEREF _Toc512260019 h 34Figure 4.8: Views on the Influence of Culture on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512260020 h 35Figure 4.9: Drivers of Women’s Low Participation in Education PAGEREF _Toc512260022 h 36Figure 4.10: Options to Promote Women Participation (Education Prospective) PAGEREF _Toc512260024 h 38Figure 4.11: Influence of Unemployment on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512260027 h 39Figure 4.12: Options to Promote Women Participation (Income Prospective) PAGEREF _Toc512260028 h 41Figure 4.13: Influence of Clan-based Political System on Women’s Participation in Local Councils PAGEREF _Toc512260029 h 42Figure 4.14: Options to Promote Women Participation (Political Prospective) PAGEREF _Toc512260030 h 43LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS
CEDAWConvention of the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women
FGDFocus Group Discussion
JKUATJomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology
MOILGMinistry of Interior and Local Government
MOWDAFAMinistry of Women Development and Family Affairs
MPMember of Parliament
NGONon-governmental Organization
PDRCPuntland Development Research Centre
PSUPuntland State University
SIDRASomali Institute for Development and Research Analysis
SPSSStatistical Package for Social Sciences
UNUnited Nations
UNDPUnited Nations Development Programme
WBWorld Bank
DEFINITION OF TERMS
Clan-based Politics: Clan-system functions as a political unit due to its ability to create an implicit governance structure which is embedded in the cultural values and norms CITATION Gun06 l 1033 (Gundel, 2006).
Culture: The sum of attitudes, customs, and beliefs that distinguishes one group of people from another. Culture is transmitted, through language, material objects, ritual, institutions, and art, from one generation to the next. Culture can also be defined as ”the forms of things that people have in mind, their models for perceiving, relating or otherwise interpreting them CITATION Hof11 l 1033 (Hofstede, 2011).

Income: Income is the consumption and savings opportunity gained by an entity within a specified timeframe, which is generally expressed in monetary terms. However, for households and individuals, “income is the sum of all the wages, salaries, profits, interest payments, rents, and other forms of earnings received… in a given period of time CITATION Smi08 l 1033 (Smith, H. , 1908).

Education: Education is the process of facilitating learning, or the acquisition of knowledge, skills, values, beliefs, and habits. Education frequently takes place under the guidance of educators, but learners may also educate themselves CITATION Dew38 l 1033 (Dewey, 1944).

CHAPTER 1INTRODUCTIONBackground of the Study
Basically, participatory development is the most important recipe to ensure inclusive and sustainable development across the world. According to the current trends, women are no longer perceived as beneficiaries of development programmes, rather they are critical stakeholders that have a pivotal role to play in development programming and delivery in their constituencies. It’s also imperative to underline that the implementation of inclusive development programs has become the major means through which various communities mobilize local and external resources to streamline development and redress inter-generational development problems in their localities. Inclusive developmental programs also have inherent capacity of attracting development assistance to an area CITATION Bat03 l 1033 (Batrol, K. ; Martin, D. ; Kromkowski, J., 2003).

However, in spite of the substantial benefits that could come through these means, development experts still question whether imperatives of genuine and meaningful engagement of societies in development are actually met, specifically in fragile and undemocratic contexts. These lead too many programs for some communities are either abandoned or poorly executed because of either low participation or non-participation of its citizens as well as their negative attitudes CITATION Ang09 l 1033 (Angella, 2009).

Nonetheless, localized and inclusive approaches to development quickly evolved throughout the 1980s and into the early 1990s with the introduction of methods such as Rapid Rural Appraisal, Participatory Action Research and, particularly, Participatory Rural Appraisal. Development of the latter approach spawned the emergence of a myriad of new tools and principles for implementing and understanding participatory development. Throughout this period, researchers and community organizers sought to improve their understanding of “insider/local knowledge as a balance to the dominance of outsider/western scientific knowledge” CITATION Emm09 l 1033 (Emmanuel, 2009).

Specifically, women inclusion in decision-making has been on the forefront of global development agenda since the United Nations organized the first women’s conference in Mexico in 1975 CITATION Mor95 l 1033 (Morris, 1995). Despite the global efforts to empower and engage women in development and local government processes, women are still unable to participate fully in the development process and policy-making in many countries in the world. Due to the systematic exclusion of women in development arena, more women are poor, illiterate, exposed to bad health conditions and, are victims of violence such as rape, abuse as well as neglect, denied basic rights, discriminated against and suffer other forms of social and economic inequality thereby exacerbating the pervasive disparity between men and women in the aspects of education, health, employment, legal matters, leadership and ownership of resources CITATION Wei95 l 1033 (Weil, M. ; Gamble, D., 1995).
However, there are still actionable initiatives that need to be taken to ensure that women are placed in the heart of local development, and strategies that need to be formulated to ensure that women are able to contribute fully to the development trajectory in their countries CITATION Cen00 l 1033 (WB, 2000).
Participation implies “empowering people to mobilize their own capacities, be social actors, rather than passive subjects, manage the resources, make decisions, and control the activities that affect their lives.” CITATION Bat03 l 1033 (Batrol, K. ; Martin, D. ; Kromkowski, J., 2003).

In addition, women’s involvement in local governance has been the focus of various discourses at most international forums in the past years. Among those forums that recognised the plight of the Third World women’s involvement in development process are the 1995 Nairobi “Forward Looking Strategies for Advancement of Women” conference, the 1995 Beijing Declaration and the United Nations Development Fund for Women. These forums expressed that each member state was expected to promote women’s economic independence, including the creation of employment, access to resources and credit, participation in political processes, the eradication of the persistent and increasing burdens of poverty, malnutrition, poor health and illiteracy CITATION Bla91 l 1033 (Blair, S. ; Lichter, D., 1991).
While such declarations increased an awareness and understanding of the problems facing women and their needs, it has not yet resulted in significant development priorities in terms of their expectations and aspirations. Women’s involvement in development dates for long time as suggested by the literature, however, this involvement has not been recognised by other people, especially men CITATION Rai00 l 1033 (Rai, 2000).

In the Somali context, there is inequality between men and women in terms of power-sharing and access to resources and decision-making. Somali women hold a tiny percentage of government and are not afforded the same opportunities as men to engage in politics and deliberate on key issues. Additionally, in spite of their traditional and valued role as peace builders, and their peace activism, women have been consistently excluded from peace talks, other than as observers CITATION Mus13 l 1033 (Musse, F. ; Gardner, J., 2013).
Data from a study on Somali women’s participation in politics and public life found that the negative attitudes and behaviour of clan leaders towards women is a key barrier to women seeking political leadership CITATION Sam16 l 1033 (Samah, 2016). However, there have been positive changes. The rise of the Sixth Clan Somali women’s political movement, the first ever organised movement funded and led by Somali women has inspired Somali women to seek their rights and participation in decision making at local, state and federal levels. Despite these achievements women in politics continue to face a lot of stigma, and numerous barriers.
2016 was a year of political construction in Somalia, with the Somali women’s political participation receiving much needed attention. On 28th January 2016, the Federal Government announced an electoral model with 30% seats reserved for women in both Houses of Parliament. Women also received a 50% deduction in the registration fee to stand for political office. An advocacy campaign was conducted to increase women’s representation in the federal Parliament. The results were significant: In 2016, 24% of elected MPs were women in marked contrast to 2012, when only 14% of MPs were women. This is a significant increase, but still below the proposed target of 30% CITATION Sam16 l 1033 (Samah, 2016).

A recent UNDP report on women’s leadership in public administration indicate that in Somalia there are 13 female senators out of 52 (25%), in the lower house, there are 65 females out of 275 (24%); in Puntland, there are 2 women parliamentarians out of 66 (3%), in Galmudug, there are 8 women parliamentarians out of 89 (9%), in Southwest state there are 32 women parliamentarians out of 149 (21%), in Jubaland there are 2 women parliamentarians out of 74 (2%) and in Hirshabelle state there are 5 women parliamentarians out of 98 (5%). In Somaliland, there is 1 woman out of 82 MPs in the House of Representatives, and no women in the upper house.
At the level of district councils, there is less information available. In Puntland there are 66 women councillors (14%) and in Somaliland 10 women were elected out of 375 local council seats (2.7%) in the 2012 local district elections. In Somaliland’s district council there are a total of 234 females on staff, compared to 2087 males; most of these positions are also at staff level, with no female majors or deputy majors.
In ministerial federal government positions, there is 1 women minister, 2 deputy ministers out of 25 ministries. In Puntland, there is 1-woman minister and 2 deputy ministers. In Somaliland, in 2015, 4 women were nominated for ministries out of 50-member cabinet (8%). In all zones, there is a lack of inter-ministerial gender focal points and coordination mechanisms, which are important to ensure consistent policies on gender and gender mainstreaming throughout the Government.

Notwithstanding with the above, both federal and state governments are geared towards adopting gender responsive policies that support the implementation of Resolutions 1820, 1888, 1889 and 1960 which identify concrete areas and additional obligations for the implementation of Resolution 1325. Furthermore, although Somalia is not a signatory to the International Convention of the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the Somali civil society, and especially women’s organizations are heavily engaged in global dialogues on its implementation.

In Puntland, even though the current participation of women in politics and local government is low compared to for example neighboring countries such as Kenya or Uganda, women in Puntland are now more than ever before politically active and engaged. Women in Puntland are organizing themselves in networks and forums and collaborating closely across geographic divides. They are also organizing themselves in NGOs and political and social movements in Puntland.

Nevertheless, this study was conducted to explore the factors influencing women participation in local government in Puntland, with special focus on Galkacyo district. The study adopted robust research approaches to engage key stakeholders at grassroots, district and state levels thereby unpacking impediments to women participation in local councils. The study specifically targeted traditional elders, women groups, local councilors, civil society and officials from relevant state authorities with the view to seek their prospective and understanding of barriers to women inclusion in local councils and possible strategies to improve women participation in local councils.

1.2 Statement of the ProblemWomen constitute 49.3 per cent of Somalia population according to the 2014 Somalia Population Estimation Survey. Despite being half of Somalia’s population, women are highly marginalized and severely under-represented in local councils thereby impeding their access to policy making and development opportunities at the local level. In Puntland, there are only two female parliamentarians in the Puntland’s 66-member-house, four women ministers out of the 46-member-cabinet and 66 women councilors (14%) out of 478 total councilors in Puntland CITATION Min16 l 1033 (MOWDAFA, 2016).
At the national level, Somalia scored 0.8 out of 1 for complete gender inequality in 2012, therefore ranking 4th in terms of countries with extreme gender inequality. The consequences are far-reaching; persistent marginalization, political underrepresentation, economic and social exclusion, systemic oppression and inability to influence the various policy and decision-making processes impacting their daily lives.
Nonetheless, most of women related studies conducted in Somalia overwhelmingly stressed the role of tradition and male-dominated culture in obstructing women’s participation in local councils and overall political processes. However, this study looked into a different prospective, taking into account a combination of factors (culture, education, income and political system) that affect women participation and inclusion in local councils in Puntland.

1.3 Objective of the StudyGeneral Objective: the general objective of the study was to examine factors influencing women participation in local councils in Puntland.

Specific Objectives:
To explore the influence of culture on women participation in local councils in Puntland.
To determine the influence of education on women participation in local councils in Puntland.

To examine the influence of income on women participation in local councils in Puntland.

To assess the influence of clan-based political system on women participation in local councils in Puntland.

1.4 Research QuestionsWhat is the influence of culture on women participation in local councils in Puntland?
What is the influence of education on women participation in local councils in Puntland?
What is the influence of income on women participation in local councils in Puntland?
How clan-based political system influences women participation in local councils in Puntland?
1.5 Significance of the StudyWith its 20 years of existence, the Puntland state government has felt short of adequately mainstreaming women in local government and overall political processes at state level. In 2007, the then president of Puntland Gen. Adde Muse issued a presidential decree allocating 30 per cent of local council seats to women. However, this affirmative action was never materialized with the current women representation in local councils being only at 14 per cent. This study, nevertheless, was conducted against the backdrop of understanding the main barriers to women’s inclusion in local councils in Puntland. The evolving democratization and decentralization reforms also make this study both timely and significant, thereby unpacking the key impediments to women’s participation in local government and available strategies to address them.
In addition, the findings of this study and the pertinent analysis are framed to contribute to the sparse of knowledge and awareness around women’s participation in local government which in turn will help trigger an informed discourse and policy reform to streamline women participation and inclusion in local councils. The study also provides a thoughtful prospective for the policy-makers to re-examine national polices and laws thereby allowing a greater space for women to involve in policy-making and development planning at the local and state levels.

Equally important, this study establishes a number of learning and knowledge processes that are not necessarily reflected in other women related studies conducted in Puntland. And more importantly, this study suggests concrete policy recommendations and actionable steps to address women participation and inclusion in local councils and overall political processes in Puntland. Last but not least, it’s envisaged that this study would be beneficial to academicians and researchers as well as development actors involved in exploring and mainstreaming women issues in development planning and policy-making.
1.6. Scope of the StudyThe study was conducted in Galkacyo district being the second largest district in Puntland with good track record in mainstreaming women in local government processes. The preparatory and field works and subsequent data analysis and consolidation took nearly six weeks (early March – mid April 2018). Moreover, the study reached out to 80 respondents who are knowledgeable to the subject “women in local councils” including women themselves, local councillors, civil society, traditional elders and relevant government officials from the Ministries of Interior and Woman Development and the Parliament Sub-committee on Local Government.
1.7. LimitationsResearch design: The study employed a structured questionnaire with close-ended and Likert type of questions hence less flexibility was given to respondents to express and further elaborate their viewpoints. However, this was compensated by the fact that the researcher convened a focus group discussion of key informants to critically reflect on key issues pertaining to women inclusion in local councils.
Access to data: due to excessive fatigue resulted from continual assessments and surveys by local and international NGOs and the fact that NGOs pay to assessment participants, this was study was confronted by refusal of some participants to respond to the questions while others persistently requested to be paid. Another hindrance was the misconception of some respondents that all studies are linked to development programming hence unable to comprehend studies of academic nature.
However, the researcher explicitly convinced them that the purpose of the study is purely academic and it won’t bring about development interventions in their area unless otherwise adopted by the government and concerned development actors. It’s also imperative to mention that the researcher endured difficulties to travel and conduct his study in Galkacyo despite the existing insecurities and persistent communal mistrust which at times necessitated consent from local authorities to approach and interview local councillors.
Limited literature: There are fewer studies which broadly reflect on women participation in local councils in Puntland. These studies, however, lack empirical analysis and quantitative findings to demonstrate the intensity of the problem “low participation of women in local council” and the interplay between the factors influencing women participation in local councils. These studies also provide a broad narrative of the problem by overwhelmingly stressing the “Somali culture” as the key barrier to women’s inclusion to local councils whilst giving less attention to non-cultural factors influencing women participation in local councils.
CHAPTER 2LITERATURE REVIEW2.1 IntroductionThis chapter chronicles the theoretical background, conceptual framework and literature analysis regarding the independent variables namely, culture, education and income and political system. It also captures a review of variables, empirical analysis and a critique of empirical studies, prevailing research gaps and overarching summary of the whole chapter.

2.2. Theoretical FrameworkTheories are often used to elaborate, project, and analyse a looming or existing phenomenon. However, there are various theories that contemplate the women participation in local governance and related political processes. Nonetheless, this study employed the system theory which critically explains determinants of women’s participation in politics as well as the Kanter’s Glass-Ceiling and the ‘individual supply and demand’ theories which discuss the work structure and variables that could be relevant to recruitment of councilors at the local level.

Political System TheoryThe study of political systems theory represents an essential basis for explaining, understanding, and comparing the units and actors that comprise the world of the early 21st century. As a field, Political Systems and Theories encompasses courses whose focus is alternative theoretical approaches for the conduct of research and analysis about political systems, major forces shaping the emerging world, the nature of international change and continuity, and the basis for theoretical development. The Political Systems and Theories field offers students the opportunity to explore, evaluate, and compare theories about such crucially important phenomena as power, legitimacy, institutions, cooperation, conflict, peace, clan-based politics and war CITATION Eas53 l 1033 (Easton, 1953).
Conceptually, the field is (or should be) integral to, and an essential prerequisite for, courses that comprise the “practice” parts of the curriculum. The theory expected to acquire basic knowledge about the major theories that shape international and comparative politics. Specifically, the field includes courses on such topics as clan-based politics; non-governmental organizations in international politics; geography as a factor in international politics; theories of statecraft, bureaucracy, democratization, ethno-religious conflict, identity, sovereignty, nationalism, and self-determination. However; the theory guided variable of clan-based politics CITATION Eas53 l 1033 (Easton, 1953).

Culture System TheorySystems theories purport to explain how social systems work. Think, for example, of world systems theory, which is not merely a description of the world in terms of systems but rather aims to explain how fundamental social, economic, and political changes everywhere are driven by a global historical dynamic, in a theory that assigns causal primacy to top-down processes from the world system to all lower systems. Similarly, autopoietic systems theory is more than a set of descriptions of various social systems with an emphasis on their communication systems. Rather it makes the theoretical claim that the core dynamics of modern societies should be sought in the workings of discrete communications systems that self-organize corresponding, more or less autonomous societal subsystems such as politics, the mass media, education, arts, and law CITATION Del96 l 1033 (Delphy, C.; Leonard, D., 1996).

The “problem of culture” is a common challenge for anyone studying human social systems, that is, for all the social sciences, biosocial sciences, and humanities. In contrast to narrow sectoral or disciplinary views, a systemic perspective cannot deal with this problem by delegating it to some more or less obscure subfield. While there are no easy solutions to the problem of studying culture, there is no shortage of competing perspectives and approaches. Yet speaking in broad terms, in the social and biosocial sciences culture tends to be ignored or set aside, women’s participation in politics, local councils and decision making in the local communities. Thus; this theory guided how culture determines women’s participation in the development programs CITATION Bri93 l 1033 (Brislin, 1993).The Kanter’s Glass-Ceiling Theory
The Kanter’s “Glass-Ceiling Theory” focuses on the ways in which the structures of work organizations, especially those with large proportion of white-collar workers, establish women in subordinate positions i.e., they put a ‘glass-ceiling’ over women’s opportunities. The key political positions in the political system of Somalia especially at the local government level can be related to the organization referred to in Kanter’s theory. He described work organization in terms of three dimensions:
Opportunity: People who have less opportunity tend to be low in self-esteem and aspiration while people with more opportunity are competitive and have greater self-esteem.

Power: Kanter defined power as capacity to mobilize resources in support of individual interests. People with low power tend to be authoritarian, subordinating, coercive, critical, territorial and are not well linked. People with high power tend to be non-directive, encouraging to subordinates, helpful and popular.

Proportions: This is a social mix. The small proportion tends to be highly visible, highly stressed and stereotyped. The large proportions invisibly fit in with the group, find networking and the acquisition of sponsors.

Discussing Kanter’s opportunity as one of the three dimensions of work organization, the Somali political arena is not different: women are not given the opportunity to exercise their political right such as occupying key political positions ranging from the local government to the federal government level of decision-making. Instead, they are subjected to certain appointed positions where they would only act as figure- heads while men who appointed them indirectly control them too in the position, all within a patriarchal social structure.

In terms of power, Somali women are just like as Kanter described those with low power, while men are those with high power, especially at the local government level. For instance during elections, men mobilize women; enticing them with diverse incentives in order to get their support, and never encourage them as to how to mobilize themselves, to be serious contenders for elective posts.

In similar vein, Somalia women are the small proportion (in the context of the Kanter’s analysis). It is an indisputable fact that Somali women are not only limited by patriarchy that are duly and unduly stereotyped and highly stressed with responsibilities.

The ‘Individual Supply and Demand’ Recruitment Theory
The ‘individual supply and demand’ model contains variables that could be relevant to recruitment of councilors at the local level. This model on the one hand, focuses more on personal or individual characteristics that could facilitate an aspirant’s appointment or election into a responsible public position. On the other hand, it stresses how other people, players, gatekeepers and individuals of high repute can influence the election or appointment of a person into office either through persuasions, recommendations, and voting, campaigning and other support measures as noted earlier by Prewitt. The supply aspect of the model deals with interested persons of the public who wish to vie or contest to get elected or appointed into the assembly. These interested persons could be called the politically active members of the society whom Prewitt classifies under the politically active stratum. It is refreshing to note that the ‘individual supply and demand’ theory can, at least, be applicable to recruitments of people at the local level CITATION Eic05 l 1033 (Eichler, 2005).
The supply side of the model covers aspirant’s personal attributes like: motivation, level of education, financial resources, membership in organizations, likeability or acceptability and family or individual background and status CITATION Aka12 l 1033 (Akani, 2012). Some of these factors may be very influential to recruitment of candidates into local councils in Puntland. Aspirants with these personal attributes stand a better chance to be recruited at the expense of those who do not possess these attributes. For instance, if aspirants or candidates have the requisite resources and motivation, they could pick up nomination forms and decide to contest without any hindrance at all from anybody as has also been highlighted by both Prewitt and Norris in their frameworks. This could otherwise be called self-selection which is done by aspirants themselves (individual supply) and not selection committees or agencies (demand). Selection committees usually play a major role in the recommendation and eventual choice of persons to certain crucial positions CITATION Len94 l 1033 (Lennon, M. ; Rosenfield, S., 1994). That is why the demand aspect may not be of direct influence to local level elections at the aspirant or candidate selection level since there are no legal restrictions on candidates’ attempts to participate in local government elections CITATION Hag01 l 1033 (Hague, R. ; Harrop, M., 2001).
To the extent that this is true, the responsibility therefore rests on aspirants especially women to be confident enough and decide to contest in the first place. But there is the other important side (demand aspect) which may lie outside the domain of the aspirant even though I concede that the gatekeepers could be influenced by the personal attributes of aspirants. Some of the gatekeepers on the demand side include members of political parties, religious organizations, community associations, opinion leaders, traditional or local authorities and other influential persons. However, it is important to note that one aspect of the theory could influence the other and vice versa. For instance, it is very likely that aspirants who have positive personal attributes on the supply side like high education, popular family backgrounds, adequate financial resources, religious, cultural or ethnic similarity with gatekeepers and active membership in some organizations could stand a better chance of influencing gatekeepers to support them.
On the other side too, gatekeepers also seek to promote aspirants or candidates who in their opinion are hardworking and have good and admirable personal attributes especially those who are members of their organizations. Even in some cases where the aspirants are not members of their organizations, gatekeepers try to convince them to join in and get full support for their bids. This makes membership in organizations a very important political independent variable likely to have a huge impact on recruitments. It appears as if to say that the left washes the right and the vice versa. Also, it is important to state that even though the opportunity to contest is open to everybody, it is not a blank ‘cheque’ since there are some legal regulations concerning who qualifies to contest or not. But admittedly, the requirements are quite basic and not so difficult for aspirants to meet. This is perhaps the reason why many candidates (males) offer themselves to be elected into the local councils in Puntland State of Somalia.

Quite interestingly also, it appears to me that the expectations, support and criticisms by gatekeepers and the electorate as a whole also serve as a reasonable check on the number of aspirants or candidates coming forward to contest for public office. If the gatekeepers and the electorate have admiration for a person, then it becomes an incentive to come forward and contest for a public position. But if they do not like a person, it will be the opposite (ibid).
Similarly, Offei-Aboagye argues that ‘the resources for participation include motivation, information, skills, finances and influence CITATION Ofe04 l 1033 (Ofei-Aboagye, 2004). But also, even if we assume that the demand side might not have any direct connection to electoral competition at the sub-national level, it gives us the opportunity to test whether interests groups and influential persons implicitly or explicitly encourage and sponsor aspirants or not. This model in my opinion is better placed to test personal decisions to contest and how any covert or overt activities of gatekeepers might play out. However, it is equally important to note that Prewitt has acknowledged in his discussion of the dominant social stratum that the possession of resources either in human or material forms provide a lot of advantages to aspirants.
As a result, ambition though important, cannot necessarily lead to desired results without the corresponding resources and perhaps the critical role of gatekeepers. This emphasizes the interconnectedness and importance of socio-economic and cultural factors in elections and appointments on the one hand and the role of gatekeepers on the other. The issue of motivation highlighted by Norris’s framework could be based on resources resulting in ambition which is necessary for the individual to decide to supply him/herself for appointment or election. It has to be emphasized that merely putting yourself forward as a candidate after feeling convinced about the individual supply facilitating factors is just one phase of the process and may not be sufficient for a victory without the support of gatekeepers on the demand side. But equally crucial and important is the electoral system, the existence of which or otherwise, can make a huge difference.
2.2.3. Conceptual FrameworkThe conceptual framework defines key variables of the study and discusses the relationship between dependent and independent variables and how they relate to women’s participation in local councils; the dependent variable being women’s participation in local councils while the independent variables are divided into four variables namely: culture, education, income and political system. In short, all the above four variables influence directly the women participation in local councils, primarily in the Puntland context.

Independent Variables Dependent Variable
Culture
Confinement to domestic roles
25012658826500Cultural/religious prescriptions
Social/women perceptions
51943026543000
Women Participation in Local Councils
% of women in local councils
Education
Qualification
Skills/competence
Income
Employment
Financial resources
Political System
Quotas
Clan-based political system
Membership in political platforms

Figure 2.1: Conceptual Framework
2.2.4. Empirical Review
Unlike any other African nation, gender inequality persists in Somalia for a number of complex reasons. Important factors include tradition and culture, which define the roles of women and girls and men and boys within society, and economic and political structures that perpetuate gender inequality CITATION Som16 l 1033 (SIDRA, 2016). Somalia’s different ethnic and cultural groups have distinct histories and experiences that influence their perception of gender and practices related to gender. The status of Somali women differs across social groups and also across geographic areas.
In 2012, Somalia scored 0.776 out of 1 for complete gender inequality. Somalia therefore ranks 4th in terms of countries with extreme gender inequality. In 2014, Somalia was given a Social Institutions and Gender index value of 0.4594, one of the highest values in the world for gender inequality. The most up-to-date scores on gender equality have been compiled by the African Development Bank Group. Somalia is ranked 52nd, or last, overall, out of 52 African states (this includes being ranked 50th in terms of gender equality in law and institutions, 51st for economic opportunities and 52nd for human development). Overall, Somalia scored 15.8/100, far lower than Sudan, the 51st ranked country which scored 31/100 CITATION Cer12 l 1033 (Cerise, S.; Francavilla, F., 2012).

Gender inequality has many impacts on the lives of women and girls. It means that they cannot fully access rights and benefits, such as education, health, employment, safety and access to justice to the same degree as men and boys. The efforts made to address these problems are too few and largely uncoordinated, and without women in influential decision-making positions in politics, public administration, business and civil society, women have limited influence on issues that affect their lives CITATION Arn69 l 1033 (Arnsrein, 1969).
Indeed, the contribution of women in the development of Somali society often takes place behind the scenes and is not widely documented. Available statistics and data for Somalia are inconsistent and often are not disaggregated by sex which makes systematic gender analysis difficult and stymies the effectiveness and evaluation of programming.
There has been progress in Somalia in terms of gender inequality; many laws and legislation have been drafted to address gender inequality, however, many of these have not been ratified or are not enforced. The former President of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud, did reiterate his commitment to women’s rights during a visit of the AU Special Envoy on Women, Peace and Security in November 2016, stating that “women’s rights and protection are a key priority in the agenda of the government of Somalia”, and the attendance of a delegation at a summit to end sexual violence in conflict in 2016 indicates an increasing focus on gender inequality from the Somali government.

Nevertheless, the following section captures review of the variables of the study which include culture, education and income and political system and arrangements.
Culture
Culture plays a significant part in communal communication as humans are differentiated on the basis of cultures. Culture can be defined as ”the forms of things that people have in mind, their models for perceiving, relating or otherwise interpreting them” CITATION Bri93 l 1033 (Brislin, 1993). People interact with each other using cultural properties which existed historically in the geographical group they belong to CITATION Klu45 l 1033 (Kluckhohn, C. ; Kelly, W., 1945).

Cultur CITATION Gun06 l 1033 (Gundel, 2006)e is an important part of the expression and communication of human feelings CITATION Bri93 l 1033 (Brislin, 1993). It influences the way every event and object are viewed and the same objects or events can have different conceptions based on the cultural norms and variables. In order to develop affective smart environments which respond to the individual, it is useful to understand and model their culture. According to CITATION Klu45 l 1033 (Kluckhohn, C. ; Kelly, W., 1945), culture is the collective programming of the mind that separates one group of people from another.
Examples of culture include language, technology, economic, political and educational systems, religious and aesthetic patterns, and social structures. Culture consists in patterned ways of thinking, feeling and reacting, acquired and transmitted mainly by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievements of human groups, including their embodiments in art-facts; the essential core of culture consists of traditional (i.e., historically derived and selected) ideas and especially their attached values” CITATION Klu45 l 1033 (Kluckhohn, C. ; Kelly, W., 1945). Therefore; the understanding of participation of women in local councils requires study of the effect of culture and social values pertaining women.
Moreover, Somalia has a strong system of clan-based kinship, which works differently depending on whether you are male or female. The very nature of the clan system is gendered CITATION Mus13 l 1033 (Musse, F. ; Gardner, J., 2013). Clan ideology overarches and underpins Somali politics, security, economics and access to services. For all socio-economic programming, it is of utmost importance to understand the nature of clan identity.
Clan identity is patrilineal and for life; all children belong to their father’s clan, and this does not change based on marriage for either males or females. For females, the networks that are available within clans are different, as are their social responsibilities CITATION Jag93 l 1033 (Jaggar ; Rothenburg, 1993). A woman will have her primary clan, but also strong relationships with her mother’s clan and maternal relatives. This ‘dual clan’ identity can offer protection, support and influence but can also be problematic. Women’s loyalty to her clan can be questioned and is often seen as unreliable. Women therefore hold an ambiguous position in their clans, and within society at large, and it is important to acknowledge this when trying to examine gender relations and inclusion in politics in Somalia.

Education
Educational attainment refers to the highest level of schooling that a person has reached. At the primary and secondary school level, educational attainment refers to the number of grades completed. At the post-secondary level, it refers to institutions attended and certificates, degrees or diplomas obtained where by lower level of schooling CITATION Ary02 l 1033 (Ary, D. ; Jacobs, C., 2002).

Educational level is thus a vital tool because its role in poverty reduction cannot be underestimated as no country has successfully included women or eradicated poverty without educating its people. As one of the most powerful instrument for political inclusion and poverty reduction, education can be a guarantee for development in every society and to every family. Its centrality is not only for poverty reduction but it can also contribute in reducing inequality CITATION Mel02 l 1033 (Melin, 2002). It can equally be argued that education enhances people’s productivity.

Nonetheless, the gender disparity in education access and quality of provision in Somalia is a cause for concern. In primary education, Somalia had substantial disparities at the expense of girls in 2012, with the GPI of GER of 0.74 (though this was a significant improvement from 0.55 in 1999). EMIS data suggests that Somali education indicators are the lowest in the east and southern Africa region. In Puntland, it is estimated that there are 112,998 primary school students (47% female) and 11,050 secondary school students (29% female) (GPE, 2013). In Puntland, it is estimated that there are 983 female primary teachers, in comparison with 5174 male teachers CITATION Min16 l 1033 (MOWDAFA, 2016). The absence of female leadership in the education sector has greatly contributed to the absence of female students in school as well as their performance.
In terms of higher education in Puntland, in 2012 there were 4,058 students enrolled in eight universities, of whom 81% were male and 19% female. At colleges, there were only 1260 students enrolled, of whom only 23% were female CITATION Min16 l 1033 (MOWDAFA, 2016). The 2014 Education Profile update in Somalia showed that there were a high percentage of children of primary school age out-of-school (75% male and 79% female). At secondary school age, this was 66% male and 79% female. There is no official data on literacy rates among youth and adult population, let alone disaggregated by gender. However, it is estimated that adult female illiteracy is widespread: while Somaliland has seen an increase in adult female literacy from 19% in 2001 to 26% in 2006; the rate in Puntland has declined since the pre-war era CITATION Mus13 l 1033 (Musse, F. ; Gardner, J., 2013).
In 2015, the Ministry of Education and Higher Education published further updated data using Annual School Census Surveys projected for the year 2013/2014. This showed primary gross enrolment rate as being 39.5% males and 33.3% females. The Secondary gross enrolment rate was 10.6% male and 8.2% female. The primary survival rate to Grade 5 was 95.4% males and 90.1% females who were enrolled. The Gender parity index using GER was 0.85 at primary and 0.72 at secondary. The percentage of female students at primary was 45.3% and was 40.3% at secondary. The percentage of female teachers was 14.7% at primary and 4.5% at secondary. There is still very little available data existence on out-of-school children in Somalia but it is estimated that approximately 50% of children who predominately live in rural areas are not in schools. Along with sex-disaggregated literacy rates, this is a vital gap in knowledge, and the Ministry of Education need to address the lack of statistics for gender parity analysis to fully take place.
Income
There is gender inequality in the economy in Somalia. This is visible in the different roles men and women play in the labour market, in the numeration they receive, and in their access to credit and other resources. Both face challenges but women face particular challenges that stem from their unequal access to education, the role in the household and their social status. However, there is limited sex-disaggregated statistical data that could be used to corroborate anecdotal evidence. Somali culture strictly prescribes that women and girls are responsible for dealing with the domestic affairs of their families, such as cooking, cleaning and child rearing. In recent years, however, roles and responsibilities have been changing, and women have increased responsibilities outside of the house, often as primary breadwinners. This is due to a rise in female-headed households (estimated at 6%), as well as a consequence of men’s withdrawal from traditional roles CITATION Hak04 l 1033 (Hakim, 2004).

Incomes are unequal; the estimated gross income for women is 170 dollars per year, compared to 418 for males CITATION Cen00 l 1033 (WB, 2000). Women are holding more public sector roles. However, most women work in clerical positions or as cleaners or work as cleaners. Women are also paid less than men for equal work, they are often perceived as having fewer skills than men and they face daily social prejudice at work. However, some progress has been made, and human resource manuals for local government that support non-discrimination by gender, belief, political affiliation, clan, family and economic class, have been developed.
Labour force participation rate is 33.2% for females and 75.9% for men (source). Employment of women in the non-agricultural sector is below 40% but it varies across the country (Ahmed, 2016). Women’s participation in wage employment is highest in Puntland (40%), followed by Somaliland (36%) and lowest in SCS (33%) CITATION Mus13 l 1033 (Musse, F. ; Gardner, J., 2013). There have been some reports that women contribute more than 70% to their families’ income and that there is high male dependency on women’s income. Women in the diaspora in particular contribute more than 60% of the national income through taxes and other contributions.
Women play a predominate role in unpaid labour in the home. To provide a live example, respondents were asked to identify who does family work, 59% selected women, 23% selected both and 18% selected men. Men were mostly involved in paid productive work (75%), community work (16%) and reproductive work (9%) CITATION Hor14 l 1033 (Hora, 2014). Women were mostly involved in unpaid reproductive work (83%), productive work (9%) and voluntary community work (8%). With the changing roles of women, many who are in employment face the double burden of working and handling housework. More girls than boys bear the burden of household chores, with girls (29%) more likely to be affected than boys (23%). Many young and displaced girls are required to look after livestock, where they are then at risk of sexual exploitation. There are no employment policy regulations that protect women and girls from exploitation when working in domestic employment. However, the constitution does protect women against sexual abuse, segregation and discrimination in the workplace CITATION Muk07 l 1033 (Mukhtar, 2007).
Overall the unemployment rate in Somalia is 1.21 female to male ratio. The unemployment rate in Somali, for the age group 14-29 was 67%, which is one of the highest in the world CITATION Sam16 l 1033 (Samah, 2016). This youth unemployment rate is 1.06 male to female ratios; another report states that there are 74% of women who are unemployed, compared to 61% of men. The majority of working women are involved in the informal sector rather than the public and formal sector. However, gender gaps in income persist as well, with men receiving higher wages for informal work CITATION Mus13 l 1033 (Musse, F. ; Gardner, J., 2013). The Somali private sector is dominated by small medium enterprises and women are usually the main drivers of this form of work, in particular in the ‘micro’ sector. Representation of women within the private sector still remains low; for example, the rate of women employed in telecommunication and financial institutions is as low as 1%. Women do sit on the boards of Chambers of Commerce but their representation remains low and is highest in SCS at 25%.
Initiatives to support the start-up and growth of women’s enterprises and develop their skill base and confidence are part of the strategy to improve women’s economic situation. However, there is not a large amount of sex-disaggregated data that offers insights into participation by gender in the formal or informal labour market. Statistics are not systematically collected and analysed. However, it is believed that women in Somalia make up over 60% of all business owners. Challenges for women in the private sector include a lack of language skills, particularly in English, which is needed for specialized posts; appointments are also often made on the basis of clan, a system which discriminates against women and finally, women’s domestic duties often prevent and restrict them from taking on full time employment.
Women entrepreneurs lack access to finance, including microfinance and training. They also face regulatory barriers. Respondents in Hora’s study identified men as the ones who make financial and economic decisions (62%) CITATION Hor14 l 1033 (Hora, 2014). Women often lack the capacity to hold public financial and private revenue-collecting institutions to account and are powerless when services are not delivered. According to the World Bank, 0.8% of women, compared to 2.3% of men had received loans from a financial institution CITATION Cen00 l 1033 (WB, 2000). Women are discriminated against in access to credit, and therefore women work mostly in the informal sector as it requires little start-up capital. There have been innovative organisations recently formed, such as the Somali Women’s Entrepreneurs Association (SWEA) which incorporate peace activism, microfinance and income-generating activities for women. More support is to be given to women to enable them form trade associations and to strengthen their links to chambers of commerce.

Political System
Adoption of affirmative action, membership in NGOs, political platforms and trade associations may help women to gain requisite experiences and organizational skills to enable them get elected or appointed into local government positions. Women just like their male counterparts should have the opportunity to participate and hold positions in either governmental or non-governmental organizations from the bottom to top CITATION Eas53 l 1033 (Easton, 1953). Nonetheless, there is inequality between men and women in Somalia in terms of the sharing of power and decision-making at all levels. Somali women hold a tiny percentage of government or legislative positions and are not afforded the same opportunities as men to engage in politics and deliberate on key issues. Additionally, in spite of their traditional and valued role as peace builders, and their peace activism, women have been consistently excluded from peace talks, other than as observers CITATION Mus13 l 1033 (Musse, F. ; Gardner, J., 2013).
Data from a study on Somali women’s participation in politics and public life found that the negative attitudes and behaviour of clan leaders towards women are a key barrier to women seeking political leadership CITATION Sam16 l 1033 (Samah, 2016). However, there have been positive changes. The rise of the Sixth Clan Somali women’s political movement, the first ever organised movement funded and led by Somali women has inspired Somali women to seek their rights and participation in decision making. Despite these achievements women in politics continue to face a lot of stigma, and numerous barriers.
2016 was a year of political construction in Somalia, with the Somali women’s political participation receiving much needed attention. On 28th January 2016, the Federal Government announced an electoral model with 30% seats reserved for women in both Houses of Parliament. Women also received a 50% deduction in the registration fee to stand for political office. An advocacy campaign was conducted to increase women’s representation in the federal Parliament. The results were significant: In 2016, 24% of elected MPs were women in marked contrast to 2012, when only 14% of MPs were women. This is a significant increase, but still below the proposed target of 30% CITATION Sam16 l 1033 (Samah, 2016).

In 2016, Puntland scheduled to begin a constitutional review and include a quota for women in political representation. Galmudug has allocated 30% quota for women, South West has reserved a 20% quota and Jubbaland has reserved 15% of seats for women. A recent UNDP report on women’s leadership in public administration gave data that is not publicly available, but accessible on request regarding women’s participation in politics in Somalia. In the Federal Government upper house there are 13 female senators out of 52 (25%), in the lower house, there are 65 females out of 275 (24%); in Puntland, there are 2 women out of 66 (3%), in Galmudug, there are 8 women out of 89 (9%), South west state has 32 women out of 149 (21%), in Jubbaland 2 women out of 74 hold political positions (4%) and in Hirshabelle state there are 5 women out of 98 (5%). In Somaliland, there is only 1 woman out of 82 MPs in the House of Representatives, and no women in the upper house.
At the level of District Councils, there is less information available. In Puntland there are 66 women councillors (14%), 1-woman minister, 2 deputy ministers and 1 director general. However, comparison data for the number of men was not given, so these statistics are hard to analyse. Puntland, however, is working on a complete reform of public administration to try and increase women’s participation. There is commitment at the highest political level to women’s empowerment and gender mainstreaming and their signs of change. Key challenges to achieving gender equality in public administration are similar to that excluding women from the private sector: low levels of education and skills; a traditional clan system that normally excludes women from participation and a lack of technical and financial resources. Even when women do reach political positions, there are still challenges: the prevailing environment is all male and non-inclusive; and the physical infrastructure is poor and often lacks separate bathrooms and prayer rooms.
2.3. Criticism of Existing LiteratureThe theoretical and the empirical literature demonstrate that the existing literature on determinants of women’s participation in political processes is not largely available in Somalia. Nevertheless, a study conducted in Nigeria found that women’s overall work burden of household duties has increased relative to that of men hence their opportunities to engage in political process decreased CITATION Ani04 l 1033 (Anifowose, 2004). The study also says, “For both urban and rural women, the time chart shows that within a single hour, a woman is involved with multiple roles. In Akeju Rabin, within a one-hour period a woman undertook cooking, breastfeeding, picking food items, washing utensils, drying cocoa and preparing yam/cassava flour. Both studies ha, however, fell short in providing a strong argument on why household duties impede women participation in politics.

According to another study by Emmanuel Ayalande on importance of education to political participation found that women involvement and representation in Nigerian politics at both local and federal levels was very low CITATION Emm09 l 1033 (Emmanuel, 2009). Women participation in decision making at all level has been very low due to their low education level. However the researched failed to pinpoint if there is strong correlation between education and political participation and whether political aspirants in his country were subject to disqualification from political process due to their education. On different note, a research piece wrote by Mukhtar found that the clan-based political power-sharing arrangement known as 4.5 in Somalia is a key driver of political exclusion CITATION Muk07 l 1033 (Mukhtar, 2007). The leading Somali scholar and professor of Geography and Global Studies, Abdi Ismail Samatar, define the recipe as “compartmentalized political order.” Detailing the intrinsic bias and adverse consequences grounded in this approach, Samatar views the 4.5 formula not as a solution. However, both authors did not reveal whether what they wrote represent their own personal view or whether it is a reflection of the sentiments of their kin-group or any of his informants. In addition, the article is a short on providing source to the effect let alone to provide alternative solutions to the 4.5 clan-based political formulae.
According to a study conducted Carolyn Kandusi on Cultural Factors Affecting Maasai Women Participation in development programs in Tanzania CITATION Car15 l 1033 (Carolyn, 2015). A Case Study of Longido District, it found that the research found regardless of having 79% of correspondents agreeing that can vote for women to be a village chair, councillor and MP; but during the last local government elections no woman vied for the above leadership positions. This is a sign of lack of women’s readiness to participate among other factors 56% of female respondents are comfortable in meetings with men and women while 44% prefer meetings with women only. Though 81.8% actively contribute ideas to the meetings, 46.2% of respondents say that women ideas are not taken into account. The study, however, failed to categorize or rank the cultural factors effecting women’s participation in local governance and development.
Similarly; a study on how cultural beliefs and attitudes of women influence women’s participation in economic development in India, this study found that a woman’s decision-making autonomy has a positive effect on her daughter’s well-being CITATION Kip08 l 1033 (Kipuri, N. ; Ridgewell, A., 2008). Thus; the study focused on the well-being and ignored the prevailing socio-political determinants which at times supersede the economically and personal ability of the individual seeking to join the political process.

According to a study conducted by Lodiaga maintains that the position attained by women in higher education management is influenced by a number of factors CITATION Lod13 l 1033 (Lodiaga, M. ; Mbevi, M., 2013). Of greatest importance among these are the existence of a pool of formally qualified women, Similarly Kamau, in her study of one private university in Kenya on the status of women and management in higher education, sought to find out what factors, besides research and publication, prevent women from rising to senior university management as much as their male counterparts CITATION Kam10 l 1033 (Kamua, 2010). Accordingly, her findings indicted that lack of policy and practice aimed to encourage women to aspire for senior positions was the main hindrance for the women in the universities. Lodiaga and Mbevi in their study conducted in Kenya revealed that there were several causes for under-representation of women in positions of authority and responsibility. These were deep-rooted traditional/cultural and attitudinal concepts that influence both the employers’ and employees’ attitude, including women’s self-concept to be dominated. These socio-cultural beliefs and stereotypical views promoted the notion of women’s unsuitability for positions of power and responsibility. The study, however, failed to address other push factors that can contribute to low participation like women’s household domestic works and the absence of enabling environment.

In his views, Frances states that some males criticized quotas as undemocratic which have a potential ‘…for favouring the unqualified over the qualified, and for creating conflicts among men and women CITATION Fra99 l 1033 (Frances, 1999). In response, the advocates of quotas assert that they are necessary to give women a fair chance that women are qualified although their qualifications are under-rated by men, and that the tension they may sometimes cause will eventually dissipate. Indeed, tension has really dissipated in one aspect as the Norway Minister for Trade introduced a 40% quota for females in the ‘Board Room’ which saw the replacement of about 700 males with females in various boards of businesses in Norway (BBC T.V. Interview, aired Sept. 12, 2009). This is an indication of the various complexities surrounding the adoption of affirmative action and women responsive quotes, an existing practice in Somalia as well.
2.4. Research GapsDespite the importance of women’s participation in local councils and other political process, the number of studies that have investigated on determents of women’s participation in Puntland’s local government is quite minimal. The available studies, however, put much emphasis on programmatic aspects in relation to gender mainstreaming in local government and development programming and less attention to their active participation in political and decision-making processes. These studies also provide a broad narrative of the problem by overwhelmingly stressing the “Somali culture” as the key barrier to women’s inclusion to local councils whilst giving less attention to non-cultural factors influencing women participation in local councils. Studies reviewed were also lacking a strong guided theory on women’s participation in local governance and development programming while also putting a great emphasis on the prevailing patriarchal system, hence downplaying the influence of education and economic status of women on their political participation and influence on local discourse and decision-making.
The nature of the locally sponsored studies, conducted by SIDRA and PDRC, is descriptive hence lacking empirical analysis and quantitative measurement to manifest the impact of each variable and the interplay between the various factors. Nonetheless, this study sheds the light on a combination of key factors affecting women’s participation in local councils whilst also providing actionable policy recommendations to redress the current status quo of women participation in local government in Puntland.

2.5. SummeryIn a nutshell, the above chapter reflects the existing literature on factors influencing women’s participation in local councils in Puntland. It also captures the theoretical and conceptual frameworks, empirical analysis and critical review of theories and literature as well as existing research and knowledge gaps.

CHAPTER 3RESEARCH METHODOLOGY3.1 IntroductionThis chapter primarily discusses the methodology of the study and related processes and protocols. It also describes the research design, study population, sampling frame and technique, data collection instruments and collection procedure, pilot-testing of the questionnaire and data processing, analysis and consolidation methods.
3.2 Research DesignRobust research designing facilitates the research operations, thus making the research process efficient, while also minimizing the possible risks and deviations that could derail the research process. According to Dempsey, the research design plans and attempts to find answers to respondent’s questions CITATION Dem03 l 1033 (Dempsey, 2003).
Nevertheless, this study adopted both qualitative and quantitative approaches to reach out relevant groups and collate the necessary data from their various sources. A qualitative approach was used to review the available literature and a focus group discussion of key informants was conducted to substantiate research findings and deliberations. Equally important, quantitative approach around structured questionnaire with close ended questions of Likert scale was used to obtain first-hand quantitative data from primary target groups.

3.3 PopulationPopulation is the entire set of units for which the study data are to be used to make inferences CITATION Kot03 l 1033 (Kothari, 2003). It was against this backdrop that the study focused on reaching out to key primary stakeholders of women participation in local councils which include traditional elders, women groups, civil society, local councillors and representatives from relevant state institutions, primarily the Ministries of Interior and Women Development and the Parliament Sub-committee on Local Governance.

3.4 Sampling FrameBasically, the sampling frame allows the researcher to reasonably draw a cross section of the population whereby all categories of the population of interest are represented in the sample size. Nonetheless, this study employed a stratified sampling technique due to the diverse nature and characteristics of envisaged study population. The main strata that were identified include the local council of Galkacyo, traditional elders, women groups, civil society associations and representatives from Puntland Ministries of Interior and Women Development and the Parliament Sub-committee on Local Governance. Following the stratification of the respondents, a representative sample has been withdrawn from each stratum, and where possible all stratum units were interview – a case in point is the local council which encompasses of 31 members. Representatives of women groups, traditional elders and civil society were also selected upon their availability and profound knowledge to the issues under research.
3.5 Sample Size and Sampling TechniquesThe study adopted a purposive sampling technique in order to get cross-sectional information from all strata. Being the primary target group of the study, the researcher interviewed 29 members of Galkacyo local council which in total consists of 31 members – the remaining 2 members were not available at the time of field work.
The study also reached out to 14 key informants from women groups (2), traditional leadership (10) and civil society groups (2) as well as 7 government officials from the Ministries of Interior (2) and Women Development (3) and the Parliament Sub-committee on Local Governance (2). The study also engaged 20 ordinary women from four quarters/neighbourhoods of Galkacyo to seek their prospectives on women participation in local councils in Galkacyo.
To complement and further substantiate the analysis from the key informant interviews, the researcher also convened a focus group discussion for 10 prominent personalities from women groups, traditional elders, civil society, local councils and relevant government officials who are knowledge to the issue of women participation in local councils. In a nutshell, the study engaged 80 respondents to ensure maximum outreach and that all concerned opinions are duly reflected in the study.

Table 3.1 Sample Distribution of RespondentsTarget respondents Women Associations Galkacyo Local Council Ordinary Women in Galkacyo MPs & Ministry Officials Traditional Elders CSO Representatives Total
Questionnaire 2 29 20 7 10 2 70
FGDs 2 2 1 2 2 1 10
3.6 Research InstrumentsThe study employed a combination of structured close-ended questionnaire and a focus group discussion to substantiate and further augment the research findings. The questionnaire with close-ended questions and Likert type of questions ranged from “Strongly agree (SA), “Agree” (A), “Unilateral” (D), “Disagree” (D) to “Strongly Disagree” (SD). Apart from the general information, the questionnaire consisted of six sections including section one which focused on the dependent variable and other four sections as per the identified independent variables and objectives of the study. Therefore, section two focused on “culture” as an independent variable while section three focused on “education” as an independent variable also influencing women participation in local councils. Similarly, section four focused on how “income levels” influence women participation in local councils while the last section (fifth section) focused on the prevailing “clan-based political system” and its influence on women participation in local councils in Puntland.

3.7 Data Collection ProcedurePrior to the fieldwork, the researcher developed a comprehensive questionnaire to garner necessary data from the study respondents. The developed questionnaire featured all variables both dependent and independent and related specific questions, mostly of Likert type. Due to the complexity of the subject, however, all interviews were administered by the researcher while also moderating the focus group discussion. As usual, the researcher introduced himself to the respondents while also stating the rationale behind the study. Moreover, reassurance that the information provided will be kept strictly confidential was given to each respondent.3.8 Pilot-testing the QuestionnaireFollowing the development of the questionnaire, the researcher did undertake a dry-run to pilot-test the questionnaire and determine whether research questions are understandable to respondents. However, 10 randomly selected persons from the streets of Garowe were engaged in the pilot-testing exercise after which certain questions were reframed to better align them with the conceptual framework and made them comprehensible to all respondents.
3.9 Data Processing and AnalysisAmong the various analysis platforms, the researcher used the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and Excel to consolidate and analyse the data and undertake the necessary visualizations. Descriptive analysis from the focus group discussion was also captured and integrated into the research with the view to enrich and authenticate the findings from the questionnaire. CHAPTER 4RESEARCH FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS4.1 IntroductionThis chapter depicts the main findings and analysis of both questionnaire respondents and focus group discussion participants. It also features the study objectives and corresponding findings as well as critical discussion and reflection on key deliberations from the study. It’s also worth to note that SPSS and Excel applications were used to consolidate and subsequently analyse the data.
Interpretations are made based on analysis findings which are also aligned to the overall objective of exploring factors influencing women participation in local councils in Puntland. Nevertheless, this chapter starts with overview of respondents’ general information followed by presentation of key findings and pertinent interpretations. In a nutshell, all responses and findings of the study will be centred on these four objectives:
To explore the influence of culture on women participation in local councils in Puntland.
To determine the influence of education on women participation in local councils in Puntland.

To examine the influence of income on women participation in local councils in Puntland.

To assess the influence of clan-based political system on women participation in local councils in Puntland.

4.2 Response RateOverall, the researcher was initially targeting 62 participants including 31 local councillors, 22 women, 3 elders, 4 government officials and 2 civil society members. However, the researcher felt the importance of increasing the number of elders being the lead of local council selection process from 3 to 10 elders.

The researcher also engaged 3 additional members from the Ministry of Interior, the lead ministry responsible for local council selections/elections. It’s worth noting that 2 members of Galkacyo local council were absent to missions outside Galkacyo hence not available at the time of data collection. In summary, the study reached out to 70 respondents hence an increment of 8 additional respondents which make the actual response rate 113%.
4.3 General Information of the RespondentsThis section primarily features an overview of respondents’ information in terms of gender, marital status, age, educational level and occupation.
4.3.1 Gender of the Respondents38671501820545Figure 4.1: Gender Composition of Respondents00Figure 4.1: Gender Composition of Respondents401955040640The study sought to identify the gender composition of 70 respondents who participated in the study. According to the findings, majority of respondents 40 (57%) were male while remaining 30 respondents (43%) were female. This is due to the fact the Galkacyo local council, a primary target group of the study, consisted of 31 members of whom 28 are men. Figure 4.1 shows the gender composition of respondents in %.

4.3.2 Marital Status of the Respondents
As data revealed, 43 out of the 70 respondents were married while 17 out of the 70 respondents were single and the remaining 10 respondents were either divorced, widow or separated. The below table 4.1 depicts the 70 respondents classified into their marital status.
Table 4.1: Marital Status of Respondents  Frequency Percent
Valid Married 43 61
Single 17 24
Separated/widow/divorced 10 14
Total 70 100
4260850171450004.3.3 Age of the Respondents
42481501353820Figure 4.2: Age Distribution of Respondents00Figure 4.2: Age Distribution of RespondentsThe study also sought the age distribution of respondents. Out of the 70 respondents 16 (23%) were aged between 20-30 years. 20 (29%) were between the age of 30-40 years. 22 (31%) were between the age of 40-50 years while 8 (11%) respondents were aged between 50-60 years. The remaining 4 (6%) respondents were age above 60 years. Therefore, the study found that the majority of respondents are between 30-40 and 40-50 years of age. Figure 4.2 features the respondents’ age distribution and composition in %.
4.3.4 Respondents’ Educational LevelsRespondents were also asked about their educational level. According to the responses, 3 (4%) out of the 70 respondents were illiterate, 7 (10%) had non-formal education, 4 (6%) completed elementary school, 10 (14%) completed intermediate school, 28 (40%) completed secondary school while the remaining 18 (26%) graduated from university. In summary, majority of respondents either had secondary level education or first degree from university. This makes the study more convincing since majority of respondents are well educated which enables them to provide thoughtful insights and expert opinion on barriers to women participation in local councils in Puntland. Figure 4.3 depicts the respondents’ educational levels in %.

Figure 4.3: Educational Levels of Respondents31527751193804.3.5 Occupation of the Respondents
31527752042795Figure 4.4: Occupational Distribution of Respondents00Figure 4.4: Occupational Distribution of RespondentsOccupation of the respondents was also sought in the study. According to the analysis, 20 (29%) out of the 70 respondents were ordinary women selected from different neighbourhoods of Galkacyo, 2 (3%) were civil society representatives, 29 (41%) were members of Galkacyo district council, 10 (14%) were traditional elders/clan leaders, 7 (10%) were government officials from the Ministry of Interior (3), Ministry of Women (4) and the Parliament Sub-committee on Local Governance (2) whilst the remaining 2 (3%) were representatives of private sector/business community.
In summary, majority of the respondents were either from the district council, the traditional leadership and the state government. These three groups are the primary actors of local council selection hence retain expert opinion and first-hand experience in the selection of local councils. They are also knowledgeable to the inner workings and dynamics surrounding the establishment of local councils. Figure 4.4 shows the composition of respondents by occupation in %.
4.4 Findings of Dependent Variable: Women Participation in Local Councils
32004002042795Figure 4.5: Level of Women Participation in Local Councils00Figure 4.5: Level of Women Participation in Local Councils320992561595The first section of the questionnaire comprised three subsequent questions pertaining to the level of participation of women in local councils in Puntland. As shown in the below analysis, respondents were firstly asked about their opinion on current women’s participation in local councils in Puntland. Of the 70 participants, 26 (37%) were of the opinion that women participation is very low while 34 (40%) consider that women participation in local council is low. 8 (11%) out of the 70 respondents thought that women participation in local councils is sufficient while the remaining 2 (3%) respondents believe that the current participation of women is high. The below table 4.2 shows the opinion of study respondents in regard to women’s participation in local councils in Puntland
Table 4.2: Level of Women Participation in Local Councils  Frequency Percent
Valid High 2 3
Medium 8 11
Low 34 49
Very low 26 37
Total 70 100
From the above analysis, a combined 86% of respondents were of the opinion that women participation in local council is low. This confirms with a study of the Ministry of Women Development and Family Affairs of Puntland which indicates that women constitute only 14% of Puntland’s 478 incumbent local councillors at the time of the study (2016).
Responding to the second question of the first section of the questionnaire, 33% of respondents strongly agreed that male councillors represent women’s interest albeit the low participation of women in local councils. 34% of respondents have agreed the notion that male councillors represent women’s interest while 29% of respondents disagreed. And only 4% strongly disagreed that male councillors represent women’s interest in local council affairs. In addition, 40% of respondents strongly agreed that the low participation of women in local councils hinders their ability to influence decision-making and development programming.
This notion was also agreed by 34% of respondents while 23% of respondents rejected this narrative, hence believing that women’s development priorities are not necessarily undermined by their current participation in local councils. Respondents were also asked the need to introduce/reinforce an affirmative action to enhance women’s participation in local councils. Of the 70 respondents, 40% strongly agreed to have a specific quota for women. 50% of respondents also agreed the same while 9% disagreed and 1% abstained from answering the questions. Figure 4.6 shows additional views of respondents in regard to women participation and representation in local councils.

Figure 4.6: Views on Women’s Participation in Local CouncilsMoreover, respondents of the study were asked to envisage a feasible quota for women in local councils. Of the 70 respondents, however, 40% suggested that a quota between 30%-40% will suffice to represent women in local councils while 33% suggested a quota of 20% to 30% for women. 16% of respondents also assigned a quota of 10% to 20% to women while only 1% of respondents suggested less than 10% allocation for women contrary to 10% of respondents who proposed a quota of 40% to 50% for women to ensure equal participation and representation of women and men in local councils. The below table 4.3 shows the study respondents and their views in regard to envisaged quotas for women in local councils.

Table 4.3: Proposed Quota for Women (by respondents)  Frequency Percent
Valid 0%-10% 1 1
10%-20% 11 16
20%-30% 23 33
30%-40% 28 40
40%-50% 7 10
Total 70 100
4.5 Influence of Culture on Women’s Participation in Local Councils
In an effort to measure the effect of culture on women’s participation in local councils, respondents were asked if the Somali culture limits women participation in local councils. Responding to this, the participants of the study unanimously (100%) agreed that the culture affects women participation in local councils as show in the below table 4.4. In this question, both gender also responded alike, meaning that that culture is key factor influencing women participation in local councils.
Table 4.4: Influence of Culture on Women Participation in Local Councils  Male Female
In your opinion, do you think that cultural practices and perceptions that exist in your community affect women participation in local councils Agree 57% 43%
Disagree 0% 0%
Moreover, participants of the study were inquired to indicate the commonly held cultural perceptions that relate to women’s participation in local councils and overall public spheres. Of the 70 respondents, 90% were of the opinion that “woman cannot represent her clan” narrative is pervasive hence clan elders deliberately avoid appointment of women to political and leadership positions at local, state and federal levels. 4% of respondents believe that women are still perceived to be inferior to men hence unable to compete with them while 6% of respondents thought that the notion of “women are for household duties” is still persistent among the Somali community hence affecting their participation in local councils. Figure 4.7 shows the respondents’ viewpoints in regard to the commonly held cultural perceptions in Somalia.

Figure 4.7: Commonly held Cultural PerceptionsThe study also sought to establish respondent’s views on whether the commonly held cultural practices and perceptions exclude women from decision-making forums. Of the 70 respondents, 40% of respondent strongly agreed that cultural practices do not allow women to participate in decision-making or join political processes. This is due to the prevalent patriarchal system which inhibits women from participating in public discourse and decision-making even at grassroots level.
This was also seconded by 46% of respondents who agreed that culture excludes women from decision-making at all levels. Only 14% of respondents disagreed with this narrative. Therefore, the study is in line with Kamau findings which primarily indicate that women are excluded from political process due to their fear of communities that it will bring embarrassment and disgrace to them CITATION Kam10 l 1033 (Kamua, 2010).

In a related question, 57% of respondents strongly agreed that traditional rarely nominate women to local council members. The same views were also held by 39% of respondents who agreed that elders rarely nominate women to local council’s seats, meaning that 96% of respondent share the same view in regard to elders’ deliberate exclusion of women from local council membership. According to focus group outcomes, elders perceive that women are not well positioned to represent her clan. There is also a shame attached to one’s delegation of women to represent the interest of the clan.
Traditionally, women are also seen to be inferior to men hence unable to influence dialogue and prompt change processes. Of the 70 respondents, only four respondents disagreed with the notion that elders rarely nominate women to local council’s seats. The figure below (4.8) shows attitudes of respondents in regard to elder’s nomination of women to local council seats and the influence of culture on women’s participation in decision-making.

Figure 4.8: Views on Effect of Culture on Women’s Participation in Local CouncilsNevertheless, the study is in line with Carolyn Kandusi findings that according to Masai culture, elders are the ones with the final say in all decision-making process in communities thereby downgrading the participation of women in decision-making and other aspects of political processes CITATION Car15 l 1033 (Carolyn, 2015). The study also meshes with the findings of Kabira’s findings which articulate that women movements, primarily in tribal communities in Kenya, felt short in challenging the traditional leadership of male elders which systematically oppresses them CITATION Kab95 l 1033 (Kabira & Nzioki, 1995).
4.6 Influence of Education on Women’s Participation in Local CouncilsAnother equally important aspect that the study sought to establish was the effect of education status on women’s participation in local councils. Responding to question of “do you think that women’s education level has influence on their participation in local councils”, 68 (97%) out of the 70 respondents agreed that education status of women matters when it comes to women’s participation in local councils. Only 2 (3%) respondents disagreed that education levels of women have an impact on their participation in local councils.
Table: 4.5: Influence of Education on Women’s Participation in Local Councils  Frequency Percent
Valid Agree 68 97
Disagree 2 3
Total 70 100
A follow-up question was also asked to those agreed that education has an influence on women participation in local councils. This time they were asked to identify the common drivers of women’s low education level so as to devise strategies to combat them. Responding to this, 35 (50%) out of the 70 respondents were of the of the opinion that boys are preferred their girls when it comes to sending them to school. 22 respondents (31%) thought that practices of early marriage hinder women’s participation in education while 11 respondents (16%) perceive that lack of school fees by parents is the main driver of low educational levels of women. 2 respondents (3%) also thought that confinement to household duties also cause low participation of girls in education. The following figure (4.9) shows the respondents’ views in regard to drivers of women low education levels.

Figure 4.9: Drivers of Women’s Low Participation in EducationIn addition, respondents were asked to express their viewpoints in regard to the following statements (in table 4.6) which relate to the interplay between education and participation of women in local councils. According to the below analysis, there is an apparent divide on the respondent’s view on whether female candidates for local council’s seats are disqualified due to their low education level. An aggregate 53% of respondents disagreed while the remaining 47% agreed the statement.
Reflecting on this, participants of the focus group discussion reiterated that women are not necessarily disqualified due to their education level or inability to meet the selection criteria of local council members which stipulate that aspirants to local council seats should at least retain a completion certificate of intermediate school. They also argued that this stipulation is usually disregarded and hence a large number of male councillors who don’t hold intermediate school completion certificates.
Concluding their argument, some focus group participants also said that considering the current status quo, there is a higher number of female enrolments in all education sectors (primary, secondary, tertiary) as well as a large number of educated women in Puntland. Therefore, the study contradicts with Baah-Ennumh at el, findings that women are less qualified compared to men CITATION Baa05 l 1033 (Baah-Ennumh, Owusu, & Kokor, 2005). According to Baah-Ennumh’s study this renders women to be disinterested or disqualified during the lead-up to elections or nomination to political positions in the government.

Analysis from the data also shows that experience, specifically political, does not matter when it comes to the selection of local councillors. A steady 60% of respondents disagreed that women are left out during local council selection due to their political inexperience. An overwhelming majority of respondents (84%) also agreed that educated women are disinterested to join local councils. This is due to the prevailing culture which thwarts their attempts to seek political and leadership positions as agreed by 82% of respondents.
Table 4.6: Influence of Education and Experience on Women’s Participation in Local Councils  Strongly Agree Agree Neither Agree nor Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree
Women are disqualified due to their low education levels 17% 30% 0% 50% 3%
Women are left out due to their political inexperience 9% 31% 0% 50% 10%
Educated women are not interested in to participate in local councils 20% 64% 0% 13% 3%
Educated women are also hindered by the culture 26% 56% 0% 16% 3%
Nevertheless, these findings are in line with Kipuri and Righewell’s findings which indicate that education is a mere pretext which men use to exclude women from participating in decision-making and political processes at all levels CITATION Kip08 l 1033 (Kipuri, N. ; Ridgewell, A., 2008). In a different note, respondents of the study were asked to suggest actionable strategies that could boost women’s participation in local councils from education prospective.

Responding to this, 35 (50%) of respondents suggested that lowering the educational requirement of women from intermediate school to elementary school completion will considerably improve women participation in local councils while 21% of respondents thought that the free primary education for girls would inevitably contribute to higher women participation in local councils. 19% of respondents were of the opinion that sensitization and awareness raising of women would increase their participation in local councils whilst 10% of respondents believe that “girl child educational programmes” is the best approach to enhance women’s opportunities in participating in local councils.

Figure 4.10: Options to Promote Women Participation (Education Prospective)4.7 Influence of Income on Women’s Participation in Local Councils
In addition to the effect of culture and education, the study also sought to establish respondents’ view on the effect of income on women’s participation in local councils. Unanimously, respondents of the study have agreed (100%) that the income has an influence on women’s participation in local councils.
Table 4.7: Influence of Income on Women’s Participation in Local CouncilsMale Female
Agree Disagree Agree Disagree
F % F % F % F %
Do you think that women participation in local councils is affected by their income levels 40 100% 0 0% 30 100% 0 0%
Respondents of the study were also asked about a set of Likert type questions pertaining to the nexus between income and women’s participation in local councils. Responding to a question whether women’s low participation in local councils is due to their unemployment/low income, an aggregate 60% of respondents disagreed with this statement, implying that unemployment doesn’t necessarily contribute to low participation of women in local councils.
The remaining 40% of respondents agreed that unemployment effects women’s participation in local councils. Another interesting query was whether women with financial capabilities are tending to manipulate selection of local councils to win local council seats.
18192752895600Figure 4.11: Influence of Unemployment on Women’s Participation in Local Councils00Figure 4.11: Influence of Unemployment on Women’s Participation in Local Councils181927585725According to the analysis an overwhelming majority of respondents (95.7%) either strongly agreed or agreed that women do not tend to manipulate local council selection processes. Focus group participants also had the same thinking.
They argued that men usually tend to use their influence and resources to manipulate selection or collude with elders who are ultimately responsible for the nomination of local council candidates. Only 4.3% of respondents, however, disagreed that women who are financially capable usually tend to manipulate selection of local councils to win local council posts.
Table 4.8: Influence of Unemployment and Other Income Factors on Women’s Participation  Strongly Agree Agree Neither Agree nor Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree
Women are highly unemployed, hence their low participation in local councils 12.9% 27.1% 0.0% 54.3% 5.7%
Women who are financially capable usually don’t tend to manipulate selection of councilors 60.0% 35.7% 0.0% 4.3% 0.0%
Women candidates are not supported by their clans unlike men who receive financial backing from their clansmen 34.3% 55.7% 0.0% 8.6% 1.4%
Respondents were also asked whether women aspirant to local council seats receive financial backing from their clans to finance their political campaign similar to male contestants. However, 34.3% and 55.7% which make up 90% of respondents strongly agreed and agreed, respectively, that women candidates are not supported by their clans unlike their men counterparts who receive financial backing to run their electioneering. Only 10% of respondents opposed the notion that women candidates for local council seats do not receive support from their clans.
Findings from the focus group discussion also show a growing practice where male aspirants are heavily financed nowadays by their clans’ businessmen who aim to promote clans’ agenda and achieve individual interests by conferring one of his clan members as a councillor and eventually as a mayor if conditions allow.
In relation to the effect of income on women’s participation in local councils, respondents were asked to suggest strategies that could improve women participation in local councils, primarily from income prospective. 36 (51%) out of the 70 respondents suggested that exemption of candidacy fee from women would encourage women and inevitably promote their participation in local councils. 34% of respondents also thought that establishment of support fund to finance women political aspirations would increase their participation in local councils.
10% of the respondents were also of the opinion that creation of employment programme for women would increase their income and subsequently their chances to participate in local councils while 4% of respondents thought that adoption of transparent and bribe-free selection of local councils would enhance women’s opportunities to participate in local councils as shown in the below figure (4.12).

Figure 4.12: Options to Promote Women Participation (Income Prospective)4.8 Influence of Clan-based Political System on Women’s Participation in Local CouncilsIn addition to the effect of culture, education and income on women’s participation in local councils, the study also sought to explore the effect of clan-based political system on women’s participation in local councils. With the absence of multi-party political system, Puntland pursues a clan-based political system whereby all public officers and members of local councils, state parliament and cabinet are selected through clan power-sharing arrangements. However, respondents of the study unanimously (100%) agreed that the current clan-based political system affects women participation in local councils.
As shown in the below analysis (figure 4.13), a combined 93% of respondents agreed that the current clan-based political system categorically favours men while limiting women’s participation and inclusion in local councils. Participants of the focus group also concur the same view, attributing this favouritism to the fact that the clan-based political system itself is driven by the same traditional authority who deliberately avoid to nominate women for local council candidacy. Nonetheless, only 7% of respondents disagreed with the statement that the clan-based political system favours men at the expense of women.
In addition, 50% and 46% of respondents strongly agreed and agreed, respectively, that the absence of one-person-one-vote local election also impedes women’s participation in local councils while only 4% of respondents disagreed with the notion.

Figure 4.13: Influence of Clan-based Political System on Women’s Participation in Local CouncilsRespondents were also asked to express their views on the effectiveness of the 2007 presidential decree, issued by the then president of Puntland Gen. Adde Muse Hirsi, which earmarks 30% of local council seats for women.
A combined 99% of respondents, however, felt that the adopted quota system was not adequately enforced hence the current low participation of women in local councils. Participants of the focus group discussion also did share the same viewpoints, adding that the adopted quota lacked an implementation roadmap from the onset. They also added that clan elders’ narratives usually defy the enforceability of the 30% quota for women.
Finally, respondents of the study were asked to explore actionable strategies through could improve women’s participation in local councils, primarily from political prospective. 38 (54%) out of the 70 respondents, however, felt that adoption of fully-fledged democratization programme and a multi-party political system would significantly promote women participation and representation in local councils while 23 respondents (33%) thought that the reinforcement and implementation of the existing quota system would increase women’s participation in local councils.
6 respondents (9%) were of the of the opinion that identification of women champions to advocate for women’s cause and inclusion in local councils would enhance women’s participation in local councils whilst the remaining 3 respondents (4%) suggested that implementation of massive awareness raising to address the inter-general cultural misconceptions, persistent discrimination and negative stereotypes against women thereby improving their participation in local councils in Puntland.

Figure 4.14: Options to Promote Women Participation (Political Prospective)However, the findings of this study are in line with Mukhtar’s conclusions which indicate that the 4.5 clan power-sharing arrangements undermine women’s participation in politics at all levels CITATION Muk07 l 1033 (Mukhtar, 2007). Furthermore, the study findings confirm that traditional elders prefer men over women for political positions due to their belief that men are always superior to female and more importantly to preserve the clan ego and pride.
CHAPTER 5SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS5.1 IntroductionThis chapter chronicles a summary of the study as well as key findings and deliberations/conclusions of the study and more importantly a set of actionable policy recommendations aimed at addressing the key impediments and barriers to women’s participation and inclusion in local councils in Puntland. It also puts forward a number of critical areas that require further research and reflection to bridge the prevailing knowledge gap whilst also ensuring that informed policy decisions are made to tackle the current plight of women and their miserable representation in local councils and overall policy-making and development programming processes at the local level.

5.2 SummaryDespite being half of the population, Somali women are politically marginalized and severely under-represented in political and decision-making arenas. This undermines their ability to influence policy-making and development programmes whilst also downplaying their development priorities. In Puntland, there are only two female parliamentarians in the 66-member-house, four women ministers out of 46-member-cabinet and 66 women councilors (14%) out of 478 district councilors in Puntland CITATION Min16 l 1033 (MOWDAFA, 2016).
Nonetheless, this study was meant to explore the factors influencing women participation in local councils, taking into prospective a combination of four variables; culture, education, income and clan-based political system and their influence on women participation in local councils. Specifically, this study aims to determine the influence of culture, education, income and clan-based political system on women’s participation in local councils in Puntland, with special focus on Galkacyo district.
Overall, the target population of the study composed of Galkacyo district council, traditional elders, women groups, civil society and Ministries of Interior and Women and the Parliament. Using a stratified sampling technique a cross section of the study population was drawn and engaged in the subsequent data collection process including 29 local councillors, 22 representatives of women groups, 10 traditional elders, 2 civil society members and 2 officials from the Ministry of Interior, 3 representatives of the Ministry of Women Development and Family Affairs and 2 members from the Parliament’s Sub-committee on Local Government.
A combination of structured questionnaire featuring 15 different questions pertaining to the objectives and variables of the study and a focus group discussion was used to garner first-hand information and expert opinions from a total of 80 respondents (questionnaire respondents 70 + FGD participants 10). Following the data collection exercise, SPSS and Excel sheet were used to consolidate, analyse and visualize data from primary respondents of the study. Nonetheless, the following section summarises the key findings of the study which are aligned to the four objectives of the study:
Objective One: Influence of culture on women participation in local councils in Puntland
Based on the analysis in chapter 4, the study found that all respondents unanimously (100%) agreed that culture influences women participation in local councils. The study also found the existence of persistent patriarchy with 90% of respondents believing that clan elders deliberately avoid nomination of women to local council candidacy and other leadership positions simply due to the prevailing notion that “woman cannot represent the clan”.
The study also found that an overwhelming majority of respondents (86%) blame culture for being the number one barrier to women’s inclusion in local councils. In addition, the study found that negative stereotypes and cultural fallacies exist pervasively in the Somali society with 4% of respondents thinking that “woman are inferior to man” narrative is still existent while 6% of respondents felt that women are usually attached to household duties hence not suitable to involve in public affairs. In a nutshell, this study reaffirms that culture negatively affects women participation in local councils.
Objective Two: Influence of education on women participation in local councils in Puntland
Pursuing this objective, the study found a strong correlation between education and women’s participation in local councils. A spectacular percentage of respondents (97%) agreed the importance of education for local council aspirants. According them, women who completed their intermediate school (primary education) are eligible to run for local council seats according to the Puntland’s Local Government Act No. 7. Considering the high illiteracy among Somali women (74.2%), this means that a large portion of women are legally deprived from being members of local councils due to their lack of education.
In addition, the study found that culture is the lead driver of women’s low participation in education which in turn limits their opportunities to participate in local councils. A steady 50% of respondents were of the opinion that boys are preferred than girls hence the low enrolment of girls in education. Moreover, the study found that experience, specifically political, does not matter when it comes to selection of local councillors. According to this, a considerable majority of 60% of respondents disagreed that women are left out during local council selection due to their political inexperience.

The study also found that educated women are disinterested to vie for local council positions despite having the necessary educational credentials. According to the analysis, an overwhelming majority of respondents (84%) agreed that educated women are not interested to compete for local council seats. This is due to the prevailing culture which discourages women and thwarts their attempts to seek political and leadership positions in society.
Objective Three: Influence of income on women participation in local councils in Puntland
In relation to this objective, the study found that strong relationship between women’s income levels and their opportunities to participate in local councils. According to this, almost all respondents agreed that incomes influences women’s participation in local councils which entails constituency mobilization, stiff electioneering and payment of candidacy fee.
Another interesting finding of the study was the fact that an overwhelming majority of respondents (95.7%) agreed that women do not tend to manipulate or intervene local council selection processes unlike men contestants. This was also confirmed by outcomes of the focus group discussion which also did indicate that men aspirants to local council seats are usually tend to collude with elders and use their influence and resources to win local council positions.

Furthermore, the study found that women aspirants to local council seats don’t usually receive support from their constituencies unlike men aspirants. According to the analysis, 90% of respondents agreed that women candidates are not supported by their clans unlike their men counterparts who receive financial backing to run their election campaigns. Findings from the focus group discussion also indicated a growing practice where male aspirants are heavily invested by their clans’ businessmen in an attempt to pursue individual interests and promote clan agenda.
Objective Four: Influence of clan-based political system on women participation in local councils in Puntland
With the regard to this objective, the study found that the currently pursued clan-based political system influences women participation in local councils as agreed by 100% of respondents. In addition, an overwhelming majority of respondents (93%) agreed that the current clan-based political system categorically favours men whilst undermining women’s participation in local councils. This notion was concurred by the focus group discussion participants who attribute this favouritism to the fact that the clan-based political system is based on persistent patriarchal norms and clan power sharing arrangements which deprive women from their basic political rights.
In addition, the study found that the introduction of one-person-one-vote election is the best approach to improve women’s political participation and representation in local councils. This was primarily suggested by 96% of respondents who thought that a multi-party political system is the only recipe for successful inclusion of women in local councils and other elective political and leadership positions. Last but not least, the study found that the Puntland government has fell short in implementing the 30% quota for women in local council which was adopted in 2007. According to the Ministry of Women statistics (2016), there is only 14% women representation in local councils contrary to the terms of the quota which allocated 30% of local council seats for women.
5.3 Conclusions
Considering the analysis of findings and subsequent deliberations outlined in chapter 4, this study primarily concludes that the envisaged variables of the study; culture, education, income and clan-based political system directly affect women participation in local councils at various levels.
Influence of culture on women participation in local councils
Based on the analysis of findings, this study concludes that culture has an adverse knockdown effect on women’s participation in local councils. The study also reiterates the existence of persistent patriarchal system, pervasive cultural misconceptions and negative stereotypes against women which in turn undermine their opportunities to participate in local councils and other political processes. These inter-generational cultural fallacies also pre-empt women capabilities and potential to pursue public responsibilities and engage in political dialogue and decision-making at the local level.

Influence of education on women participation in local councils
In addition to the above deliberations, the study also concludes that education has direct effect on women’s participation in local councils since aspirants to local council positions are required to have completed their primary education. The study also concludes that educated women have better understanding of their civic rights and responsibilities compared to uneducated women. Further, the study concludes that educated women are discouraged by the persistent cultural practices hence unwilling to participate in local councils. The study also concludes that lowering women’s educational requirement during local council selection (from intermediate to elementary) could possibly enhance their opportunities to participate in local councils.

Influence of income on women participation in local councils
Based on the analysis of findings, the research concludes that income levels of women influence their participation in local councils. Economically, women tend to be highly marginalized hence unable to invest in achieving their political aspirations which at times entail mobilization of entire constituencies, political campaigning and payment of candidacy fees. The study also concludes that women aspirants to local councils are not willing to rig elections compared to their male counterparts who persistently strive to collude with clan elders so as to win local council positions.
Influence of clan-based political system on women participation in local councils
Last but not least, the study concludes that the clan-based political system, currently pursued in Puntland, strongly affects women participation in local councils. Being an extension of the culture, the clan-based political system categorically favours men whilst undermining women’s participation in local councils. The study finally concludes that the introduction of one-person-one-vote election is the best recipe to improve women’s political participation and representation in local councils.
5.4 Recommendations
Based on the above conclusion, the study recommends the following actionable steps to address the low participation and representation of women in local councils in Puntland:
First and foremost, it’s imperative to unleash massive civic education, awareness raising and outreach to dispel the cultural misconceptions and negative stereotypes against women’s participation in local councils and overall political and decision-making process. These sensitization and awareness-raising programmes should primarily target traditional elders, grassroots and women themselves. Women-to-women and women-to-elders dialogue is to be initiated to forge linkages between women and elders to showcase women’s potential to participate in politics.

Women empowerment and educational programmes are to be initiated to capacitate women and enhance their ability to compete with men. The Puntland government is to revisit its local government act and the annexed selection criteria of local councillors thereby lowering the educational requirement of female aspirants from intermediate to elementary school completion. This would inevitably qualify a large portion of women to vie for local council positions. The Puntland government is also to create an enabling environment for educated women to participate in local councils and other political processes.
The Puntland government to consider exemption of candidacy fees from women aspirants to local council seats and to explore establishment of women support fund to finance women’s political campaign. The Puntland government is also to introduce strong safeguards to avert practices of fraud during local council selection and to ensure transparent and fair selection of local councillors.
The Puntland government should prioritize the adoption of a credible multi-party system to ensure that citizens elect their representatives and leaders democratically. Meanwhile, the Puntland government should duly reinforce the implementation of the existing 30% quota for women in local councils and further consider the introduction of affirmative action to empower women and hence their participation in decision-making and development processes at all levels.
5.5 Suggestions for Further Research
Women participation in local councils and overall political and decision-making processes has been at the forefront of Somalia’s development and re-construction agenda. However, fewer studies were made to explore the genesis and drivers of women’s low participation in local councils and political processes. These studies overwhelmingly overstressed the role of culture in impeding women participation and inclusion in decision-making and public discourse whilst downplaying the influence of other factors at play including education, income and prevalent political system.

Nevertheless, this study primarily meant to shed the light on the interplay between culture, education, income and governance and women’s participation in local councils. It also unpacked a number of under-researched issues which include women perceptions and possible strategies to address the persistent inter-generational cultural fallacies and negative stereotypes against women. More importantly, the study explored a menu of options that could underpin efforts to mainstream gender into political and decision-making processes at the local level.

Nonetheless, the study recognises the imperative to explore other equally important variables that could also influence women’s participation in local councils. To this regard, the study suggests that future research endeavours should look at the influence of government policies, political commitment, women’s awareness and international community’s efforts toward empowering women’s political participation and inclusion in decision-making and development programming.
Future studies should also focus on unveiling the religious prescriptions pertaining to women’s political participation and their cultural interpretations in the Somali context. Last but not least, future studies should examine the fault lines of Puntland and other Somali government efforts’ to enhance women’s political participation and representation and should also document the experiences and successes of Somali governments in regard to women’s engagement and inclusion in political processes at the local, state and federal level.
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APPENDIX I: QUESTIONAIREDear Respondent,
I’m currently pursuing my Master’s Degree in Development Studies at Joma Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology. This questionnaire is, however, meant to conduct a thorough study of factors influencing women participation in local councils in Puntland with special focus on Galkacyo district. Therefore, you have been selected as a study respondent due to you your knowledge and understanding of the issue under study. You are kindly requested to respond all questions with most of your knowledge and fairness – your answers will be kept strictly confidential and never associated with your name.
SECTION I: GENERAL INFORMATION
Answer questions as they relate to you. For most answers, check the box (s) most applicable to you.

1. Gender
Male ( )
Female ( )
2. Marital Status
Married ( )
Single ( )
Separated/Widow ( )
3. Age
20 – 30. ( )
30 – 40. ( )
40 – 50. ( )
50 – 60. ( )
Above 60. ( )
4. Education Status
Illiterate ( ) Intermediate School ( )
Non-formal Education ( )Secondary School ( )
Elementary School ( )University ( )
5. Occupation
Student ( ) Local Council ( )
Business/Private Sector ( ) Civil Society/LNGO ( )
Government ( ) Housewife ( )
Traditional Elder ( ) INGO/UN ( )
Other (Specify) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
SECTION II: WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL COUNCILS IN PUNLAND
This section is seeking your response regarding women participation in local councils in Puntland. Please tick the appropriate answer.

1. In your view, how do you asses women participation/inclusion in local councils in Puntland
High ( ) Low ( )
Medium ( )Very Low ( )
2. Using the Likert type scale below, indicate how accurately the following statement by using SA= Strongly Agree, A= Agree, N= Neither Agree nor Disagree, D= disagree, SD= Strongly Disagree.

Women Participation/Inclusion in Local Councils Responses
EFFECTS
SA A N D SD
Women participation/inclusion and representation in local councils is quite negligible Male councillors represent the interest of women in decision-making and development programming Low participation of women in local councils inhibit their access to policy/decision-making and development opportunities at the local level Affirmative action/quota system for women is needed to increase women participation in local councils 3. Roughly, what percentage (quota) would you assign for women participation in local councils?
0% ( )
0 – 10% ( )30 – 40%( )
10 – 20% ( )40 – 50% ( )
20 – 30% ( )Over 50% ( )
SECTION III: CULTURE
This section is seeking your opinion regarding the influence of culture on women’s participation in local councils in Puntland. Please select the appropriate answer, by ticking only one suitable answer for each question.

4. In your opinion, do you think that cultural practices and perceptions that exist in your community affect women participation in local councils
Agree( )
Disagree( )
If agreed, please tick the most commonly held practices/perceptions:
Woman are inferior to men ( )
Woman can’t represent her clan ( )
Women are for household work ( )
Woman are not allowed for political participation ( )
5. For women respondents – to what extent do you agree with the following statement, “My culture prevents/limits my participation in local councils”
Strongly agree ( )
Agree ( )
Nether agree nor disagree ( )
Disagree ( )
Strongly Disagree ( )
6. Using the Likert type scale below, indicate how accurately the following statements Possible answers (SA=Strongly Agree, A=Agree, N=Neither Agree nor Disagree, SD= Strongly Disagree)
Culture Responses
EFFECTS
SA A N D SD
In our norms women are not allowed to participate in decision-making/politics/or hold a public office Women are commonly perceived to be inferior to men hence not qualified to compete with men Women are confined to domestic/household issues and not allowed for public appearance Traditional leaders rarely nominate women to local council seats Women became victims of culture and lack the willingness to vie for local council membership Culture does not limit women opportunities in participating in local councils but there are other factors other than culture. SECTION IV: EDUCATION
This section is seeking your opinion regarding the influence of education on women participation in local councils in Puntland. Please select the appropriate answer by ticking the only one answer in each question.

7. Do you think that women’s education level have influence on their participation in local councils
Agree( )
Disagree ( )
If agreed, which one of the following do you think are the main drivers of women’s low education levels?
Boys are preferred than girls ( )
Early marriage ( )
Lack of school fees by parents ( )
Girls are confined to household work ( )
Schools are not available everywhere ( )
8. Using the Likert type scale below, indicate how accurately the following statement by using SA= Strongly Agree, A= Agree, N= Neither Agree nor Disagree, D= disagree, SD= Strongly Disagree.

Education Responses
EFFECTS
SA A N D SD
Due to their low education levels, women are disqualified in the selection of local council members Due to their inexperience, women are left out during the selection of local council members Educated women with/without experience are not interested in to participate in local councils Educated women are even hindered by the culture and they are excluded from the selection of local councils Education does not limit women opportunities in participating in local councils but there are other factors other than education. 9. Select the most appropriate solution to enhance women’s education and their ability to participate in/influence local council selection
Free primary education for girls ( )
Less educational requirement for women ( )
Sensitization and awareness-raising ( )
Girl child educational programs ( )
SECTION V. INCOME
This section is seeking your opinion regarding the influence of income on women participation in local councils in Puntland.

10. Do you think that women participation in local councils is affected by their income levels
Agree( )
Disagree ( )
11. Using the Likert type scale below, indicate how accurately the following statement by using SA= Strongly Agree, A= Agree, N= Neither Agree nor Disagree, D= disagree, SD= Strongly Disagree.

Income Responses
EFFECTS
SA A N D SD
Women are highly unemployed, hence their low participation in local councils Women are less wealthier than men, hence unable to finance their political campaigns Women who are financially capable are not even as corrupt as men, hence not willing to manipulate selection of local councils Women candidates are not supported by their clans unlike men who receive financial backing from their clansmen Income does not limit women opportunities in participating in local councils but there are other factors other than income. 12. Select the most appropriate solution to enhance women’s income and therefore improve their chances in participating in local councils in Puntland
Exemption of candidacy fee from women ( )
Employment programme for women ( )
Establishment of support fund for women political aspirants( )
Transparent, bribe-fee, selection/election process ( )
SECTION VI: POLTICAL SYSTEM
This section is seeking your response regarding the influence of clan-based political system on women’s participation in local councils in Puntland. Please tick the appropriate answer.

13. Do you think that the current clan-based political system influences women participation in local councils
Agree( )
Disagree ( )
14. Using the Likert type scale below, indicate how accurately the following statement by using SA= Strongly Agree, A= Agree, N= Neither Agree nor Disagree, D= disagree, SD= Strongly Disagree.

Political System Responses
EFFECTS
SA A N D SD
The current clan-based political system categorically favours men and limits women’s political participation and inclusion in local councils Women’s participation in local councils is also impeded by the absence of one-person-one-vote local election The 2007 presidential decree, allocating 30% of local council seats to women, and the Puntland gender policy are not adequately enforced Clan-based political system does not limit women opportunities in participating in local councils but there are other factors other than political system.

15. Select the most appropriate solution to enhance women’s political participation in the local councils in Puntland
Adoption of multi-party political system ( )
Massive civic awareness and outreach ( )
Women political champions/ambassadors ( )
Allocation of seats/quota system for women ( )
Demonstrations and riots by women ( )
THE END

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